May 22 2013

La Lucha Continua: Thoughts on Chicago’s Mass School Closings…

It was a shameful day as the Chicago Board of Education voted to close 50 schools (the single largest mass closing of schools in the nation’s history)…

Sidewalk outside of CPS Headquarters (Chicago, 5/22/13) - photo by Sarah Jane Rhee

Sidewalk outside of CPS Headquarters (Chicago, 5/22/13) – photo by Sarah Jane Rhee

There’s a young man named Brian Stirgus who has spent countless hours organizing to keep CPS schools open over the past few months. He’s 17 and a high school senior graduating in just a few short weeks. Brian is a leader with Chicago Students Organizing to Save Our Schools (CSOSOS) which is a youth-led group established to fight against the school closures. You can listen to him eloquently explain the damage that closings will cause for students and to their communities here.

After the Board voted, several members of CSOSOS and their allies gathered for a candelight vigil and press conference outside of CPS Headquarters. As someone who graduated from one of the elementary schools set to close, when Brian spoke, it was with tears streaming down his face:

“They have failed us again. What’s next?” he asked. He added: “It’s like they want to wipe my race out of existence.”

Brian and Chuy (Chicago, 5/22/13) - photo by Sarah Jane Rhee

Brian and Chuy (Chicago, 5/22/13) – photo by Sarah Jane Rhee

This photograph of Brian, taken by my friend Sarah Jane Rhee, is seared in my mind and so are his words. Young people have had their eyes opened to the corrupt politics in this city. I don’t know Brian personally though I know dozens of other incredible young people just like him in this city. Some of those young people have also been involved in fighting for education justice. It is for this reason that I am not despairing tonight despite the Chicago Board of Education’s shameful vote. There were tears today but there was also a resolve to continue to fight.

I believe in the creativity and the resilience of the young people in this city. I do. We are not making their path into adulthood any easier. Yet in spite of our detrimental policymaking, Chicago’s youth are by and large making their way through the obstacle course. Some are falling down and we are duty bound to reach out our hand to them. But I am consistently amazed that so many of our youth remain optimistic about the future. So tonight, I’ll take my cue from them and will keep moving forward in the struggle for education and social justice.

For those who are looking for ways to keep fighting, I suggest that you get involved in advocating for an elected school board. We also need to start organizing now to ensure that Rahm Emanuel is a one-term Mayor. Tomorrow, the Chicago Teacher’s Union is organizing an informational event for those who want to learn how to register voters. We have work to do.

As Brian finished his comments, he was embraced by his peers and allies in a group hug.

photo by Sarah Jane Rhee (Chicago, 5/22/13)

photo by Sarah Jane Rhee (Chicago, 5/22/13)

This image too is permanently imprinted in my mind. La lucha continua!

Share
May 21 2013

The Drug War: Still Racist and Failed #16

warondrugsterror

Share
May 20 2013

Thurgood Marshall and Prison Cruelties…

I’ve been reading some of the letters published in the book “Marshalling Justice: The Early Civil Rights Letters of Thurgood Marshall” by Michael G. Long. Long (2011) writes that: “Marshall dealt with prison abuse claims frequently in his early years at the NAACP (p.27).”

One example from the book is below:

On July 2, 1937, an inmate in the Texas state prison system sent the NAACP an anonymous letter requesting assistance for combating cruel prison conditions: “Please hear our cries…These officials are sure cruel to us, we have in each building two prisoner as building tenders they is allowed to kill you if they see fit. They have whips with iron handles and dirka knives. Each one of these buildings tenders are first grade student and they will do what the captains and guards tell them.”

Below is a letter of protest that Marshall wrote to the governor of Kentucky about these complaints:

July 31, 1937

Dear Governor Allred:

We have received complaints concerning the treatment of Negro prisoners on the Ramsey State Farm, Camp #1, near Houston, Texas. We are informed that the Negro prisoners are beaten and, in many cases, killed for trivial reasons.

We are informed that on July 28th of last year, one Booker Smith, in charge of prisoners, killed a prisoner and claimed it was in self-defense. We are also informed that Captain Shaw chained a prisoner with a quarter-inch chain around his neck and fastened it to his feet so that his neck was pulled down to his knees and that the same Booker Smith whipped this prisoner, whose name was James Brown, to death.

We cannot too strongly urge upon you the seriousness of such offenses which, even though committed by persons in charge of a prison, are, nevertheless, brutal murders. These are only a few examples of the intolerable conditions reported to us in the prison camps in Texas, and we urge you to immediately cause an investigation to be made.

Very sincerely yours,

Thurgood Marshall

In reply, Governor Allred simply asked for more information and added: “I am sure that neither the Manager of the State Prison System nor the members of the Prison Board, as well as myself, will tolerate any brutality if they can find evidence that it exists anywhere in the System.”

Share
May 19 2013

“Think I’ll Be on the News?” Resignation, Near Death, & Affirming Humanity in Chicago

Catharsis (n):
1: purgation
2
a : purification or purgation of the emotions (as pity and fear) primarily through art
b : a purification or purgation that brings about spiritual renewal or release from tension
3: elimination of a complex by bringing it to consciousness and affording it expression

After all of these years, I have gotten used to the early morning phone calls. They never bring good news. Yesterday, a young man I’ve known for three years was shot. He was one of over a dozen people shot and/or killed in Chicago overnight. We are used to these numbers. This was actually on the low end of the usual range.

I was alerted about the shooting by his cousin: another young person I’ve known for a few years. I went to the hospital to check on him. He will recover. The temporary relief was quickly replaced by dread that cannot be dislodged in the pit of my stomach. I learned from his cousin that his friends were already planning their retaliation for the shooting. The cycle of violence is unbroken.

As I waited to see him, I spoke to his family members and what came across was a profound sense of weariness and of resignation. He’s been talking about dying violently since he was 10 years old, his aunt tells me. What is the antidote to this certainty about one’s impending mortality? Whenever I start to slip into a mode of thinking about death as an abstraction, I am slammed right back into reality by events.

When I finally see him, he smiles wanly. His first words are: “Think I’ll be on the news, Ms. K?” I burst into tears.

This is what it’s about, isn’t it? Even lying in the hospital shot, he can’t show any vulnerability. He is still sarcastic and ‘tough.’ He’s a teenager, not yet a man. He’s scared and I know it. I’m sobbing. “Awww, don’t Ms. K. Look, I’m good. I promise, I’m good.” But he’s not “good.” I apologize and ask if he needs anything. I don’t ask what happened. I don’t care.

Driving home, I try to gather my emotions. It’s difficult because I know that most people don’t give a damn about this young man or about his life. He lives in a community rife with structural and interpersonal violence. While I was lying in bed unable to sleep, I read an op-ed in the New York Times that captures the unremarkable routineness of violence in such neighborhoods.

to be black and conscious in America is to be in a constant state of rage.” – James Baldwin (quoted in Joan Didion’s “The White Album” 1979, p.30)

I think also about the unrelenting societal hatred and oppression directed at him and at his peers. Earlier this week, conscious black people in Chicago had more reason to be enraged. A white woman said she was robbed in broad daylight on Michigan Ave by a mob of black teens. Coverage of the event saturated our local airwaves:

An elderly woman was confronted on the Magnificent Mile by a mob of young men on Wednesday, who proceeded to take $100,000 worth of jewelry she was wearing.

A Chicago police source said the 69-year-old woman from Homewood Flossmoor was accosted by 10 to 12 African American men while walking in the 700 block of North Michigan around noon in front of Saks Fifth Avenue.

By Friday, it was revealed that she had lied. She fabricated the story but to many this doesn’t matter. Her name has still not been released. She remains anonymous. All we know is that she is a wealthy elderly ‘philanthropist’ who lives in the South suburbs. The young men who she accused of robbery are also anonymous, nameless. But they aren’t faceless, she said that they were black. Just the accusation is enough to impugn an entire race (still). We know this nameless “criminalblackman.” This is a familiar story.

An anonymous person writing in “The Independent” on September 18, 1902 explained the process of criminalizing black people:

Whenever a crime is committed in the South the policemen look for the negro in the case. A white man with face and hands blackened can commit any crime in the calendar. The first friendly stream soon washes away his guilt and he is ready to join in the hunt to lynch the “big, black burly brute.” When a white man in the South does commit a crime, that is simply one white man gone wrong. If his crime is especially brutal he is a freak or temporarily insane. If one low, ignorant black wretch commits a crime, that is different. All of us must bear his guilt. A young white boy’s badness is simply the overflowing of young animal spirits; the black boy’s badness is badness, pure and simple (in Black Women in White America: A Documentary History, edited by Gerda Lerner, 1972, p.168).

The trope of the “criminalblackman” serves as the key organizing principle in the treatment of blacks in this country. I can’t imagine how it will be dislodged. What I know for sure is that it has been and is killing us slowly as a race. So many of our young have to swallow their rage as they find themselves surveilled in stores and on the streets, as they try to make themselves small in elevators and in school, as they are targeted by cops for endless stop & frisks and as they are locked in cages by the thousands. I am amazed that so many are resilient and don’t lose their sanity. But some are in fact dying slowly…

I am a child of America
a step child
raised in a back room

-Pat Parker

I think again of his first words to me: “Think I’ll be on the news, Ms. K?” I hear them differently now. This is a young man living in exile in his own country. His humanity is unacknowledged. He languishes in a place that Richard Wright has called “No Man’s Land.” He is allowed no feelings. He is just a threat: all of our fears rest on and in him. I realize that perhaps he is asking whether he has been “seen” by the larger world. Have we taken notice of him? Do we know that he exists? Maybe this is his way of writing himself back into our national story. I don’t know.

I feel exhausted and want to close my eyes to what’s happening. In this moment, I wish I could be oblivious. So many others seem to be… My tears are uncontrollable now; the tissues are soaked. I pull over and call a friend. “Stay where you are, I’m coming to get you,” he says.”It’s OK, I’ll drive to you,” I respond. Somehow, I make it to his place still in one piece. I haven’t broken apart. He makes lunch. I try to breathe. Hours later, I’m still struggling to catch my breath…

Share
May 17 2013

From My Collection #18: Convict Road Gang Photos

The following is a set of six original photos of Black prisoners on a chain gang building Rt 30 in Florida. The photos date back to the 1930s.

Original photo, Chain Gang, Florida (1930s)

Original photo, Chain Gang, Florida (1930s)

Original photo, Chain Gang, Florida (1930s)

Original photo, Chain Gang, Florida (1930s)

Original photo, Chain Gang, Florida (1930s)

Original photo, Chain Gang, Florida (1930s)

Original photo, Chain Gang, Florida (1930s)

Original photo, Chain Gang, Florida (1930s)

Original photo, Chain Gang, Florida (1930s)

Original photo, Chain Gang, Florida (1930s)

Original photo, Chain Gang, Florida (1930s)

Original photo, Chain Gang, Florida (1930s)

Share
May 16 2013

Trying to Kill Black Children, 1960s Edition: Preston Cobb Jr…

I picked up this photograph while antiquing last year. I didn’t recognize the young man’s name or know of his legal case. I was just struck by the photograph. Later, I did some research to educate myself about what happened to him. Predictably, it was another miscarriage of justice. You can read more about his story here and here

IMG_0027

Share
May 14 2013

The Drug War: Still Racist and Failed #15

In today’s edition about the racist and failed “war on drugs,” I wanted to share this commentary and report by Melissa Harris-Perry who asks if this is the beginning of the end for this so-called war.

The word “war” is often utilized to push people into fighting for a collective goal or against a common enemy. There are classic military conflicts like the Civil War and World War II, and there are the ideological fights like the “War on Poverty” launched by Lyndon Johnson in 1964.

But what happens when a war is waged against a faceless and intangible enemy? Host Melissa Harris-Perry asked her Sunday panel whether it is time to re-focus and rename the “War on Drugs.” As Eugene Jarecki, director of the documentary The House I Live In, put it, “It hasn’t achieved anything. It’s achieved catastrophe.”

In the 42 years since President Nixon launched the “War on Drugs” in 1971, the consequences have outweighed the gains. According to the ACLU, of the 2.3 million people incarcerated in the United States, 25% of them imprisoned for drug offenses. There’s a reason why these incarceration rates are so high, according to Kathleen Frydl, author of The Drug Wars in America, 1940-1973. “Our incarceration rates reflect the artifacts of our enforcement strategies,” said Frydl on the show.

There is an ethnic divide when it comes to drug arrests. Thirty-eight percent of those arrested for drug offenses are African-Americans, and they spend almost as much time in prison for those drug offenses as white criminals do for violent offenses.

Read more

Share
May 03 2013

From My Collection #16

Below is an antique colorized chain gang postcard. This is one of the new additions to my personal collection.

From my collection

From my collection

Share
Apr 30 2013

The Drug War: Still Racist and Failed #14

From the Huffington Post:

More than half of federal prisoners are incarcerated for drug crimes in 2010,according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, and that number has only just dipped below 50 percent in 2011. Despite more relaxed attitudes among the public at large toward non-violent offenses like marijuana use, the number of people in federal prison for drug offenses spiked from 74,276 in 2000 to 97,472 in 2010, according to the U.S. Department of Justice.

The punishment falls disproportionately on people of color. Blacks make up 50 percent of the state and local prisoners incarcerated for drug crimes. Black kids are 10 times more likely to be arrested for drug crimes than white ones — even though white kids are more likely to abuse drugs.

by Emory Douglas

by Emory Douglas

Share
Apr 29 2013

Unpacking ‘Chiraq’ #1: Chief Keef, Badges of Honor, and Capitalism

On Sunday, I awoke to the news that some parents of Walter Payton Prep High School students refused to allow their children to play a night game on the campus of Gwendolyn Brooks Prep High. 

You have to live in Chicago to fully appreciate this drama.  Payton and Brooks are both selective enrollment public high schools in the city. Both are considered “good” schools. Payton is on the Northside of Chicago while Brooks is located on the Southside. Rich white parents use their clout to get their children admitted to Payton but not to Brooks. In case you didn’t know, Chicago is still the most segregated city in the United States. This also extends to our schools, of course.

One can hardly blame the parents of Payton students who were afraid that their children might succumb to violence on the dreaded “Southside.” Over the past three to four years, media accounts have portrayed Chicago as the wild, wild, West. Scarcely a day goes by that there isn’t another account of rampant “senseless” violence in the city.

It’s gotten so bad that the former police superintendent, Jody Weis, felt the need to proclaim during a news conference in 2010: “We are not Chi-raq. We are Chicago.”
This brings me to the main issue that I wanted to address today.

chiraq

Read more »

Share